Suma Chitnis is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology of Education and of the Unit for Women's
Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bombay.
A Headstart
The Constitution of independent India names women as a "Weaker section of
society "—deserving special protection, care and welfare.1 That women are thus taken
note of is impressive. For, when the Indian Constitution was framed, in the late forties,
gender disadvantage and inequality had barely registered as an issue in the political
systems of the world. The suffragette and related movements of the earlier era, which
had sought voting and other political rights for women in Europe and North America,
had faded into the background under the impact of the more compelling conside-
rations of a world war. The second wave, viz. the feminism of the sixties, had not yet
arrived. Thus, by identifying women as a weaker section deserving special care, the
Indian Constitution had made a headstart. It had placed the women's issue on the
agenda for development long before the United Nations sensitized the world about
the need to do so by declaring the International Women's Decade.
The Terminology
However, now, four decades after the adoption of the Constitution, viewing the
Constitutional provisions on behalf of women in the context of the thinking and the
awareness generated over the course of the International Women's Decade, the
choice of the term "weaker section" as a label for women makes one uncomfortable.
Surprisingly close to the Sanskrit word 'abala'— routinely used with reference to
women—it seems that the terminology of the Constitution, perhaps inadvertently, set
the clock backwards, in terms of the advance of and equality for women.
The term 'abala' is made up of two parts—'a' (without) and 'bala' (strength). Thus,
literally it means "without strength". However, in usage, the term connotes weakness
rather than absence of strength. To make this distinction between "weakness" and
"absence of strength" may seem like hair-splitting, were it not for the fact that the
nuance of difference in meaning between the two has a critical significance to action
and to policy with regard to women. In order to appreciate this difference, it is
necessary to recognise that the terminology of the Constitution is close to that of
Manu, who saw women as dependents, whom he advised to function under the
guardianship of the father before marriage, of the husband after marriage and the
sons in widowhood, than to that of Gandhi who saw them as pillars of strength and
who spoke with pride and faith—of Stree Shakti.2
That the Constitution should choose to label women the "weaker section" of society,
so soon after Gandhi had underlined the "shakti" (strength) of the Indian woman, is

236 Suma Chitnis
significant. It is not that Gandhi was unaware of the abject situation of women in India,
but he understood and appreciated their resilience, their tenacity, their capacity for
self-sacrifice and for silent suffering. He considered these qualities to be a strength,
believed that they constituted a powerful moral force in society, and was convinced
that this was the kind of force that was needed to handle the national struggle for
freedom. When he thought of involving women in the struggle for freedom (and in
that context referred to them as half of the nation) he may have been less concerned
with improving their status than with the urgency to make the struggle a mass
movement. But his unambiguous and clear conception of women as partners in the
struggle for freedom was a significant contribution. It should have formed the base of
post-independence planning for women. But this did not happen. Instead, both the
concept of Stree Shakti and the idea of women as partners got lost in the
Constitutional designation of women as a "weaker section". The fact that the
Constitution categorically rejects gender discrimination, and recognises man and
woman as equal, did not compensate for this loss.
Operational Implications
Operationally, this emphasis on the weakness of women has had very far-reaching
implications. Until well over three decades after Independence, women were viewed
primarily as objects of welfare in the national plans and strategies for development.
There is no doubt that their welfare was carefully considered, and provided for in
policies and programmes. In fact, the Central Social Welfare Advisory Board, set up in
1950, was primarily charged with the responsibility of advancing the health, the
education and the general situation of women, children and the handicapped.3 But,
they were not viewed as partners or even targets of development. Most community
development projects, as well as agricultural and industrial development projects,
passed them by.4 Plans for them focussed on their health, nutrition, education and
were oriented to their welfare rather than to their empowerment. That they were
clubbed together with children and the handicapped in the terms of reference of the
Central Social Welfare Advisory Board, is itself a significant indicator of the attitude
with which the women's question was handled.
A Quantum Jump
However, by the Sixth Plan, the situation had changed.5 Women were being referred
to as 'partners' in development. Correspondingly, programmes for their advancement
and their welfare spoke of their empowerment. The credit for this change goes to the
Women's Decade, with its strong feminist impulse. In all fairness, it must be conceded
that the Parliamentary Committee on the Status of Women, which had presented its
report to the government just before the launching of the International Women's
Decade, had already laid the foundations for the change.6 But, it was the feminist
movement that pushed the findings from this report to the forefront and triggered the
attitudes and reactions that brought about the change. Under the circumstances, the
official reference to women as partners in development, which occurs from the Sixth
Plan onwards, must be seen as a quantum jump in the attitude to the women's issue.
The operational implications of viewing women as partners in development are many
and far reaching. Above all, the change calls for an entirely new outlook on
programmes and interventions on behalf of women.

New Challenges to Social Work on behalf of Women 237
Strong but Powerless
In order to appreciate this point, and to understand how the outlook on women needs
to be altered, it is necessary to recognise that the change in the official terminology is
not merely a response to an ideological bid for equality, but a reaction to a series of
serious findings and revelations about the status of women. The gist of these findings,
starting with those that were presented in the 1975 report of the Parliamentary
Committee on the Status of Women,7 and continuing with the ongoing stream of
research, is that women are not weak but oppressed and powerless, not incapable but
uninitiated, not inadequate but unacknowledged, unrecognised and rendered
helpless due to denial of opportunity, subjugation and suppression. In fact, studies
repeatedly reveal their infinite tenacity, courage, resilience and strength. Further,
they point out that women's contribution to the family, the community, and the
economy is neglected and remains invisible. They show that traditional stereotypes
label them as "dependents" in spite of the fact that they carry a major share of the
burden of support for their families. Traditional norms, customs and behaviour
expectations fail to recognize this and make it difficult for them to function as earners
or as decision makers, regardless of the fact that in crises such as death, disability or
migration of men, they have regularly taken on these functions.
The message from the findings is quite clear. Women need to be "recognised", and to
be "empowered" to overcome these constraints. In order to do this, it is necessary to
be sensitive to, and understand their predicaments and their situation. It is necessary
to think of new and more effective ways of enabling them to perform their roles in life,
of dealing with their problems and their oppressions. The point may be illustrated with
reference to a variety of issues ranging from women's status in the household, their
work, their nutrition, their health and their relationship to law. This special number of
the Indian Journal of Social Work attempts to address itself to some of these issues.
This editorial may be viewed as a preface that attempts to introduce the issues with
some illustrations.
Female Heads of Households
One of the most firmly established notions is that men invariably head households.
Administrative and other practices and procedures are designed accordingly. This
leads to many inconveniences and sometimes to serious problems for women who
happen to head households. Very little is known about these inconveniences and
problems or for that matter about women-headed households.
Feminist research offers some valuable insights into the issue. Using the data from
the Census of 1961 and 1971, Pravin and Leela Visaria (1985) have shown that in
some parts of the country, as many as 16 to 22 per cent of the households are headed
by women. In Lakshadweep the figure is as high as 44 per cent. They point out that
the Census average, of less than 10 per cent female-headed households in the
country, masks this fact. More importantly, they suggest that in the Census methods
for enumerating heads of households, there seem to be flaws that make for an
inadequate registration of female heads.8
Evidence that this may, in fact, be the case is further available from a recent study by
Hemalata Dandekar (1986).9 According to the Census of 1971, only 11.7 per cent of
the households in rural Maharashtra are headed by females. But, in her survey of

2 3 8 Suma Chitnis
Sugao, a Maharashtrian village she has chosen for a case study of development,
Ms. Dandekar found that between 23 per cent to 26 per cent of the households are
headed by women. Official records for Sugao do not mention such a large number,
for the simple reason that they do not care to distinguish between actual and nominal
heads. Dandekar makes this critical distinction and shows that male migrants to the
city of Bombay, absent from their homes for the major part of their lives are, in fact,
listed as heads of their households in the Census.
Further, the Dandekar study shows that women constitute the backbone of the
village, regardless of the manner in which their household status is registered in the
Census. With practically fifty per cent of the male population of the village away to
make a living in the metropolitan city of Bombay, they are compelled not only to fulfil
their own traditional roles, but in addition to take on the tasks that have traditionally
been done by men. These range from tasks related to farming, marketing of farm
produce, payment of revenue and taxes; domestic responsibilities involving major
decisions; tasks with respect to the births, deaths or marriages within the family; or
with respect to the health or education of family members. One may postulate that
under the impact of male migration to cities, many villages in India have a situation
similar to that of Sugao.
Male migration is the most obvious cause of women heading households. But when
the husband is an alcoholic or is otherwise severely handicapped too, the wife has to
take on full responsibility for earning, and for managing the household—regardless of
whether it is the male who is formally its head. A large number of households must
belong to this category. Thus, the feminist claim that the number of female-headed
households is likely to be much larger than recorded in the Census, is well supported.
Both Visaria and Dandekar find that female-headed households are faced with special
problems. Firstly, the women who function as heads are generally sole earners and
home makers. This is very different from the normal male-headed household where
men are responsible for earning a living but can depend on their women for home
making. Women heads of household thus generally carry a double load.
Both researchers also find that it is not easy for female heads of households to gain
acceptance in the community. They are not really accepted as full functionaries and
decision makers in matters of business, property or in politics and civic affairs. Not
infrequently, they have to solicit the help of a male relative or friend to stand surety
for them or negotiate or talk on their behalf. This is extremely inconvenient. They also
observe that without a man to protect' them and their honour, they are vulnerable to
sexual assault, exploitation and defamation. They are, therefore, forced to live in
continuous insecurity and fear.
Yet, none of these problems, specific to women headed households, have ever found
their way into the defined frames of welfare programmes or services for women. A
beginning has been made by some organisations. In fact, one of the most significant
recent breakthroughs in social work belongs to this area of service and action.
Addressing itself to the plight of women who have to cope with slum-clearance
programmes in the city of Bombay, SPARC, an organisation which works for women
in slums, has taken the view that since men are away at work when demolition squads
arrive, women are the de facto heads of their households.10 Accordingly, it has

New Challenges to Social Work on behalf of Women 239
designed strategies both to enable slum women to assert their rights as citizens vis-a-
vis the demolition squads, and to set up alternate shelter if, and when, these squads
dishouse them. The success of this programme indicates how important and useful it
is to understand when and where women are the de facto heads of their households.
It also illustrates how difficult and yet how vital it is for those who wish to intervene on
their behalf to be sensitively aware of the problems that women face in this capacity.
Invisible Workers
Closely related to the stereotype of men as heads of household is that of men as
principal providers or earners. Studies increasingly reveal that though this stereotype
may be valid for middle and upper class families, it certainly does not hold for working
class homes. In fact, one of the major outcomes of the new effort to examine the
status of women in India has been the realization that working class women are often
the principal earners, and, more significantly, that even if they are not the principal
earners, they are, in many cases, the principal providers. This is largely unknown. For
that matter, studies reveal that for the major part, women's contribution to the
economy is unnoticed, unrecorded and unrecognized. They toil as cultivators,
agricultural labourers, peddlers, hawkers, bonded labourers, or as family labour in
home-based production, without being formally listed as earners. Among the most
devastating revelation in this connection is that even the decennial Census
conducted, for over a century, has, by and large, failed to recognise these categories
of women workers.
A probe into the Census operations reveals that such women were slipped out of the
Census enumeration of workers because of a combination of two reasons: firstly, the
Census definition of work has been narrow. For instance, the 1971 Census excluded
those who were not "primarily" workers. Thus, casual workers, seasonal workers,
periodic workers, were excluded. Secondly, the Census left it to individuals to state
their work status. The mass of rural and to some extent even urban working women,
belonging to these categories, saw and reported themselves as housewives because
they regarded their contribution to the economy as part of their household work.11
Research, such as that done by Joan Mencher and Sardamoni, illustrate how easily
the omission occurs.12 In a carefully designed study, covering rice cultivating
communities in regions which are not only physically distanced from each other but
which have distinctly different cultures, these two researchers describe how women,
formally described as secondary or marginal workers, and in some cases not defined
as workers at all, actually contribute more hours of work than their men to the rice
farming operations.
Principal Providers
Pursuing the issue of women and work from the point of view of understanding how
much those who work contribute to the family income, some researchers have tried to
assess the contribution of some categories of workers. Their findings are revealing.
For instance, Zarina Bhatty's studies of women beedi workers in U.P. demonstrate
how, in the poor and lower middle class Muslim families in the region she has
surveyed, women are the principal earners for the household.13 Leela Gulati (1981),
in her five profiles of women in poverty, makes an even more important point when
she demonstrates that regardless of whether they are the principal earners in the

240 Suma Chitnis
family or not, women are often the principal providers.14 These studies further reveal
that although women workers make major contributions to the family income, they do
not give themselves even the modicum of care and attention required. They snatch
irregular, inadequate meals as and when they can, at work or on their way to work,
and function with inadequate sleep, rest and health care. While the men from poor
families may squander substantial amounts from their earnings on drink or smoking,
women who work use practically all their earnings to feed and otherwise support the
The Need to Develop Relevant Services
By remaining 'invisible', the work that women do remains uncovered by legislation
aimed at preventing unfair employment practices and exploitation in the labour
market. This implies that far from being given "special protection", as the Constitution
decrees, women workers are not even given the routine protections offered to
workers. The failure to recognise and to accept the full weight of women's contribution
to the household income also results in their failure to gain adequate return and
reward within their own families. Typically, it is believed that women work less than
men and, therefore, require less food than men do. Consequently, they are given less.
Women themselves subscribe to this belief and neglect their own nutrition while they
feed the family. Another, and perhaps by far a greater tragedy, is that because they do
not consider their own "unpaid" labour as work, they fail to appreciate their
contribution to the family. It is necessary to develop a full new range of services and
supports to improve the quality of the life of such women, to uplift their self-image and
sense of self-worth.
Exploited, Unorganised Workers—The Need to Organize Them
Further, problems arise out of the fact that they have to combine their role as earners
with their role as mothers, wives and home-makers. Almost invariably they accept
work that fits in with these responsibilities. Typically, they prefer work close to their
residential location, and work hours that fit in with their responsibilities at home, even
if that means working at diminished wages. To add to all this, women workers find that
they are vulnerable to sexual exploitation and violence at work. Trade unions in the
country are generally insensitive to these special problems of women workers.
Working women themselves are too consumed and exhausted by the struggle for
survival to push unions to do the needful. There is an urgent need to act on their
Or again, they may be forced to accept home-based production because they cannot
leave their homes. Home-based work renders them vulnerable to exploitation by
employers. Since there are very few employers who give work to take home, those
who do are in a position to quote their own terms. They pay poor wages. Not
infrequently, they cheat women by going back upon promises regarding the wage to
be paid and by haggling for payment even after a contract has been made. The
problem is aggravated by the fact that obligations towards home-making, coupled
with traditional norms and customs which restrict their movements to a limited
territory, and disapproval of their interaction with strangers, restrict the autonomy of
women engaged in home-based production. Since they cannot go out or deal with
strangers, they have very little control over purchase of raw materials for their
products, or for the marketing of their finished goods. They have to depend tor this on

New Challenges to Social Work on behalf of Women 241
other family members. Further, their restricted movement makes it difficult for them
to procure loans, or other assistance that they need from government and from
welfare agencies. On the other hand, they are so vulnerable to exploitation within the
family that male relatives often use them to procure loans or other assistance
earmarked for women. To add to all this, these women find that when they venture out
against all odds they are liable to harassment by the authorities that are supposed to
help them.
Blazing New Trails
The problems are legion. Some activists and social workers have taken their cues
from these findings and blazed brave new trails towards empowering women workers.
For instance the work of SEWA in Ahmedabad, ranges from organising women in
home-based labour to bargaining for better wages from their employers and
organising them to fight harassment from the police and the municipal authorities and
organising them to buy raw materials or even consumer goods collectively, to
enabling them to deal as individuals with banks, the authorities and the law. The work
that is being done indicates that massive, carefully thought out, and highly committed
action is required to "protect" and to "empower" women as workers.15
Victims of Development
An entirely different, yet related set of facts, have been unearthed by researchers
who have identified how, instead of benefitting from projects aimed at economic
growth in the country, women have often only been further marginalised in the
operation of development plans and programmes. These studies quote profusely
from experience, ranging from agriculture where simple technologies such as weed
killers or threshers have displaced female labour, to sophisticated slots of urban
employment where mechanization has produced much the same results.16
In somewhat the same vein, researchers have indicated how Third World women are
exploited by multinational companies which stretch their activities across continents
in quest of cheap, willing and docile labour. Much the same kind of exploitation is
done by local producers producing for the international market. In most of these
cases, women are initially drawn in by attractive wages, unaware of the fact that the
work may be hazardous to their health or that it may be terminated abruptly and that
no one will take responsibility for their retrenchment and dislocation.17
Concerted, well-considered action is required to identify and locate such exploitation,
to inform and advise women of the hazards involved, to educate them on how to
handle their situation and to provide them with the protection and support they need
when retrenched or disabled.
The interest in women and work has stimulated some researchers to look at the
nutrition of women workers. They find that the problem basically is that women as
home makers accord last priority to their own needs. This is partly cultural—the
consequence of value system that extols self-denial as a virtue, particularly among
women. But, it is also a consequence of the fact that having attended to the needs of
others they are too exhausted to look after their own.

242 Suma Chitnis
The problem is further compounded for women who work outside the home. For
instance, Leela Gulati in her profiles of women in poverty makes some startling
revelations about how poor the nutrition of her respondents is, and how, in addition to
being paid poor wages, they are further exploited at work by being cornered into
buying snacks, meals or provisions sold by their employers. The food they buy is
expensive. Worse yet, it often imperceptibly drags them into debt with their
In a very telling study, Srilatha Batliwala (1985) reveals how the food intake of women
is totally inadequate, measured against the energy that they expend as workers or
even merely as home-makers. The study uses a very imaginative method to compare
the calorie intake of the men, women and children in the same family to demonstrate
how the notion that women "do not do heavy work" and, therefore, do not expend
the same energy leads to poorer nutrition for women.19
The issue of women and food is again an area that offers rich scope for action.
Women need to be informed of their needs, to be dispossessed of the notion that
their claim on the food or clothing available to the family is less than that of others.
Low cost nutritious meals need to be provided for working women. Employers, who
exploit them by selling them meals or even provisions to carry home, need to be
Women and Health
Closely related to the issue of nutrition is the issue of health. For decades, we, in
India, had accepted the declining sex ratio in our decennial Census. The fact that the
proportion of women to men in the population had been dropping steadily did not
cause much anxiety. The new awareness and consciousness generated by the
feminism of the seventies prompted a serious questioning of the situation. It is now
recognized that the causes of declining sex ratio must be unravelled and that
something must be done to prevent it.20
Studies reveal that one of the major causes of the high rate of female mortality is the
utter neglect of the nutrition of females—from birth onwards.21 Even nursing mothers
neglect breast fed girls. Relatively, the breast feeding of boys is invariably more
careful. Similarly, studies show that although awareness of, and conviction about the
need for health care of children, particularly the need for immunization, is generally
very poor, the care given to infant girls is much poorer than the care given to infant
boys.22 Immunization records at health care centres show the difference. They also
show that health care, in general, is being used much more for males than for females,
infant as well as adult.
Apart from the harm it causes per se, this discrimination, which originates with
parents is extremely damaging because it directly helps to internalise cultural norms
that expect women to be able to "suffer silently". Even as parents give their nutrition
and health needs a second place, girls learn to pass over their own needs in order to
give priority to the needs of their men.
This also creates other problems. Combined with the practice of seclusion in general,
and purdah in particular, and with traditional norms of feminine modesty, the neglect

New Challenges to Social Work on behalf of Women 243
they suffer through childhood makes for a situation wherein girls grow up to be
embarrassed about their bodies and ignorant of its functions. They enter menstruation,
marriage, motherhood and menopause altogether ill-equipped with knowledge. As a
consequence, they are unable to take adequate care of themselves at all these
stages, and sometimes even respond with shock and trauma to these natural
Concepts of "health care" in the country are equally inadequate. Most health systems
tend to attribute women's illnesses and physical complaints to their child-bearing
functions. Clinical investigations, aimed at establishing whether or not this really is
the case, are rarely undertaken. The possibility that these illnesses may be related to
poor nutrition, overwork, lack of sunshine and fresh air, and so on, is easily
overlooked. Again, because of the focus on women's child-bearing functions, health
care centres tend to focus on pre-natal, natal and ante-natal care to the neglect of
other health problems. Health problems of young girls and older women, for instance,
are rarely taken note of. In fact, several of these problems are believed to be "natural"
and neglected on that count. Pain and discomfort related to menstruation or
menopause, for instance, are often neglected as "routine" discomfort.
When one reflects on this emphasis on child-bearing, one wonders whether health
care in the country is governed more by considerations of population control than by
consideration for the health of women. This sentiment is reinforced by the
observation that birth control measures such as the insertion of the loop, laproscopy
or even medical termination of pregnancy, are often conducted with utter insensitivity
to the psyche or the long term health interests of the women concerned.
On the whole, the health care of women in the country leaves much to be desired.
The health care currently available to them needs to be reconsidered and
reorganised. Further, women need to be better educated about their bodies, to be
counselled out of their tendency to neglect themselves and assisted to reach out to
medical help.
Women and the Law
They need to be enabled to reach out to other kinds of help as well. For instance,
women in India are reasonably well provided with legislation aimed at securing them
equal and humane rights in marriage, adoption, divorce, property, as well as in
matters of employment and contract. But, they continue to be exploited and
oppressed, both because they are ignorant of the provisions available and because
there are serious difficulties in approaching and dealing with the relevant authorities.
Moreover, it is growing to be increasingly evident that their vulnerability is such that
they often end up as victims of those who are supposed to protect them. Cases of
rape by the police illustrate this point most vividly. But studies also reveal the highly
unsatisfactory manner in which women-undertrials and prisoners are maintained.23
Other Situations
Tracing the course of the neglect and the exploitation of women, researchers have
exposed several other situations where women are exploited by those who are
supposed to protect them, or taken advantage of in places where they are supposed
to be safe. These exposures range from those of the totally miserable conditions at

244 Suma Chitnis
the "holy places" to which Hindu widows are, to this day, dismissed for life by their
families and relatives, to instances of exploitation and harassment of women school
teachers by school managements and even of female patients in hospitals.
Redefining the Boundaries of Social Work
What is the role of the social worker in the face of all these new revelations? How can
social work effect the transition from the notion that interventions are geared to
welfare, to the conviction that they must result in the empowerment of women? How
does one define the boundaries between social work and social action, between
intervention and activist feminism, in the process of redefinition involved? What are
the new methods, and strategies that social workers need to employ to optimize the
returns from their efforts towards the empowerment of women? Who are the
functionaries and which are the bodies with which they need to collaborate for
effective action? What are the larger issues in health, housing, nutrition, education,
trade unionism, and, concerning the politics, the economics and the social structure
of the nation, that social workers must understand and address themselves to, in
order to work successfully towards the empowerment of women? The articles in this
special issue of the journal touch upon some of these questions. It is hoped that they
will stimulate further thought, action and innovation.
1. Constitution of India
Article 15(3) in support of Art. 14.
2. Gandhi, M. K.
Women and Social Injustice, Navjeeven Publishing House,
Ahmedabad, pp. 9, 187, 203.
3. Proceedings
Thirteenth conference of chairmen and members of the State Social
Welfare Advisory Boards (September 2-4, 1975) p. 145.
4. Government of India,
Towards Equality: A Report of the Committee on the Status
Department of Social Welfare,
of Women in India, 1974, Ch: V, pp. 148-283.
Mininstry of Education and
Social Welfare:
5. Government of India,
Sixth five year Plan: 1980-85, pp. 423-425.
Planning Commission:
6. Government of India,
Towards Equality: A Report of the Committee on the Status of
Department of Social Welfare,
Women in India, 1974, p. xii
Ministry of Education and
Social Welfare
7. Ibid; p. xii.
8. Visaria, Pravin & Visaria, Leela :
"Indian Households with female heads, their incidence, character-
istics and level of living" in Tyranny of the House-hold, Shakti
Books, New Delhi, pp. 50-83.
9. Dandekar, C. Hemalata :
Men to Bombay Women at Home, Centre for South and South East
Asian Studies, University of Michigan, USA, p. 9.
Annual Report, Bombay: p. 25.
11. Chitnis, Suma
A Review of the Progress Made in India Towards the Achievement
of the Objectives of the United Nations Decade for Women
(A Research Study) Economic and Social Commission for Asia and
Pacific, pp. 31-34.

New Challenges to Social Work on behalf of Women 2 4 5
12. Dey, M. Jennie
Country Profile on India (A Mimeograph) International Rice Research
Institute, Philippines, undated, pp. 2-4.
13. Karlekar, Malavika
"A Study of Balmiki women in Delhi" in Visibility and Power: Essays in
Women in Society and Development, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, pp. 326-28.
14. Gulati, Leela
Profiles in Female Poverty—A Study of Five Working Women in
Kerala, Hindustan Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, pp. 164-170.
15. Self employed Women's
Association, 1984,
Ahmedabad, pp. 1-9.
16. Chitnis, Suma
A Review of the Process made in India Towards the Achievement
of the Objectives of the United Nations Decade for Women
(A research study), Economic and Social Commission for Asia and
the Pacific, p. 35.
17. Zakaria, Mazidah, &
"Women in Development—A case of an all-women youth land
Karim, Safiah Nik
development in Malaysia" in Visibility and Power, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi, pp. 267-85.
18. Gulati Leela
Profiles in Female Poverty—A Study of Five Poor Working Women
in Kerala, Hindustan Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, pp. 164-170.
19. Batliwala, Srilatha
"Women in Poverty: The Energy, Health and Nutrition Syndrome" in
Tyranny of the House-hold, Shakti Books, New Delhi, pp. 38-49.
20. Mitra, Asok
Implications of Declining Sex-ratio in India's Population ICSSR
programme of women's studies, Allied Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi,
pp. 27-29.
2 1 . Ramaya, K. &
Abstracts of Selected Research Studies in Child Health & Nutrition,
Kumar, R.
TISS, Bombay, 30, 40, 57.
22. Ibid; pp. 64, 68
23. Unpublished Report of
National Committee on
Women Prisoners